Atiku pays tribute to IBB at 80

Former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar has described former military President General Ibrahim Babangida as a pillar of unity and a firm believer in one Nigeria. In a goodwill message on the occasion of Babangida's 80th birthday anniversary on Tuesday, 17th of August, Atiku stated that IBB established a record of an inclusive government that reflected Nigeria's ethnic and religious diversity. "You can't deny IBB the credit for his sincere efforts to build a viable federation founded on equitable representation", Atiku said in the statement signed by Paul Ibe, his Media Adviser. The former Vice President noted that even Babangida's most stubborn critics can't deny the fact that the former military leader had built a solid national infrastructure for the country which is still standing and visible around the country. Atiku also paid tribute to IBB for assembling one of the best and most formidable cabinets in our recent history because of his commitment to excellence. The former Vice President commended Babangida's remarkable childhood history. He said the General lost both his parents at an early age and had to struggle to pull himself up in life. He described IBB as a man of vast knowledge, wisdom, wealth of experience and broad outlook on life. He prayed to Allah to grant him more years in good health and vitality. Signed: Paul Ibe Media Adviser to H.E Atiku Abubakar Vice President of Nigeria, 1999-2007 Abuja. 16th August, 2021

ANALYSIS - Another surprise from PDP's bag of tricks

By Ehichioya Ezomon Time and again, the Peoples Democratic Party has demonstrated a capacity for declaring any election it loses - and unfavourable court judgments therefrom - as a mandate stolen from the party through manipulation of the electoral processes.

No matter how credible the poll, how roundly it's beaten, and the margin of the lead, the PDP would hold its main rival, the All Progressives Congress, in cahoots with the electoral umpire and security agencies as denying it the position(s) on offer. When the PDP lost the October 2020 Ondo gubernatorial race, on the back of its surprise win of the Edo State poll the previous month, the party resorted to its pastime of blaming the APC. The PDP refused to admit its miscalculation in the choice of its deputy governorship candidate, leading to divided votes the party could've secured to stand a chance at the balloting. The voting over, PDP shifted attention to the courts, to "retrieve our stolen mandate" it didn't win, as the Independent National Electoral Commission posted results from polling units on its portal for "real-time viewing." Disappointed by the Election Petitions Tribunal and Appeal Court, the PDP moved to the Supreme Court. As the apex court also refused it judgment by a split decision of four to three, the PDP loudly interpreted the minority ruling as ousting the APC's caretaker committee and its chairman, Governor Mai Mala Buni, and called on the INEC to delist the APC. But when the APC publicised the aspects of the ruling that touched on the two thorny issues, it's mum in the PDP camp, prompting speculations that the party might finally rest the case. Keen watchers of the polity weren't deceived, though, as they predicted the PDP would pull another surprise from its "bag of tricks" to assail the APC, and the party didn't disappoint. The PDP has upped the ante by demanding that Buni be sacked as governor of Yobe State, for holding dual "executive" positions simultaneously, and "breaching" the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria and the constitution of the APC. Malam Buni was elected governor in 2019, and in 2020, he's appointed by the National Executive Committee of the APC to head the Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee, even as he retains the position of governor. This formed the premise of the PDP appeal at the Supreme Court, arising from rulings of the lower courts that affirmed the declaration of Governor Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN) as winner of the Ondo poll. The PDP and its candidate, Eyitayo Jegede (SAN) had argued that Akeredolu was wrongly nominated, as Buni, who forwarded His name to INEC, was in violation of section 183 of the 1999 Constitution, and article 17(4) of the APC constitution. Section 183 of the 1999 Constitution states that: "The Governor shall not, during the period he holds office, hold any other executive office or paid employment in any capacity whatsoever," while article 17(4) of the APC constitution stipulates that: "No officer in any organ of the Party shall hold executive office in government concurrently." So, to the PDP, the Supreme Court should hold that Akeredolu wasn't qualified to contest the 2020 poll, as Buni breached the law by forwarding Akeredolu's name to INEC. But the court, in a split decision of four to three on July 28, 2021, ruled that Akeredolu was lawfully nominated, as Buni only represented the APC that fielded Akeredolu for the election. The court held that "the law is and remains that the provisions that gover n sponsorship and nomination of candidates in an election are: Sections 31 and 87 of the Electoral Act, 2010, as amended." "That sponsorship of a candidate in an election is that of the party and not the individual Officer... forwarding the name of the candidate," the court ruled, adding that, "there is no provision in the Electoral Act prescribing any form for forwarding or submission of the sponsored candidate of a political party in an election." On PDP's plea to disqualify Akeredolu on the basis of Buni violating section 183 of the 1999 Constitution, the Justices held that "no other Law/Act can be relied upon to disqualify a candidate in an election save for the provisions of Section 182 of the CFRN." "Sections 177 and 182 of the CFRN, which make provisions for qualifications and disqualification of candidates for Governorship election, are exhaustive and leave no room for any addition." The Justices declared that failure of the appellants to join Buni as a respondent was fatal to their case, rejected their entreaty to be declared winner, and affirmed Akeredolu as duly elected But in a minority ruling, three of the Justices questioned the validity of the Buni-led caretaker committee, which it declared illegal, and held that the APC erred by allowing a sitting governor as its national chairman, against section 183 of the 1999 Constitution. The Justices also ruled that it wasn't mandatory for the appellants (Jegede and PDP) to join Buni, as the governor was an embodiment of the APC that's a respondent in the matter. The PDP, relying on the minority ruling, and the unanimous opinion of the Justices that politicians should obey the laws of their parties, has gone to court again, to demand Buni's sack as governor. The PDP also prays the court to disqualify Buni's deputy, Idi Barde Gubana, from taking over as governor, and install PDP's Amb. Umar Iliya and Dama Baba Abba Aji, as governor and deputy governor. Besides, the PDP seeks a declaration that Buni's actions, as the chairman of the APC caretaker committee, while he remains the governor of Yobe State, "are wrongful, null and void." In an originating summons filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja on August 12, 2021, through Chief Emeka Etiaba (SAN), the PDP poses several questions for the determination of the court: * Whether the 1st defendant (Buni) did not breach the clear provisions of section 183 of the 1999 Constitution when, as the governor of Yobe State, he accepted the 3rd defendant (APC) appointment as its caretaker Committee Chairman and proceeded to occupy the office. * Whether the 1st defendant, who is the governor of Yobe State and the Caretaker Committee chairman of the 3rd defendant (APC), has not ceased to hold the office of Governor of Yobe State, having regard to the provisions of section 183 of the 1999 constitution. * Having regard to the clear provisions of section 187(1) of the 1999 constitution and the state of law, whether the 2nd plaintiff (Dama Baba Abba Aji), can lawfully occupy the office of the governor or deputy governor of Yobe State upon the cessation of Governor Buni occupation of the office. The PDP urges the court to order the Chief Judge of Yobe State or any other relevant judge, "to immediately swear in Umar Iliya and Dama Baba Abba Aji as governor and deputy governor of the state, respectively, as the offices have become vacant." The PDP, aiming to swing the matter it failed to achieve at the polls, and through the lower and appellate courts, may appear as an interloper, a "busy body" prying into the home affairs of a rival. Anyway, didn't Jegede say he declined to join Buni as respondent because the governor has immunity? Has Buni waived the immunity, or the PDP really believes he has forfeited the governorship by chairing the APC caretaker committee? The APC has slammed the PDP as engaging in "abuse of court processes" that the APC hopes the court would punish. Secretary of APC's caretaker committee, Sen. Akpan Udoedehe, said the PDP "is obviously executing a desperate and poorly-scripted plot at deflecting attention from its crisis of confidence." "The PDP is an ignominious rabble-rouser and has no locus to take any action on the internal affairs of the APC," Sen. Udoedehe said, adding, "the Supreme Court has already affirmed the status and legality of the CECPC and that is all there is to it." The PDP is, indeed, hurting, as cacophonous voices have risen against the party chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, to resign his position in the National Working Committee. So, what better way to arrest the rumpus than for the PDP to "regain its stolen mandate" in Yobe State! And what a master stroke that would be ahead of the crucial 2023 general election! * Mr. Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

MRA Calls on Federal Government to Reverse Steady Decline in Internet Subscriptions in Nigeria

LAGOS, Monday, August 16, 2021: Media Rights Agenda (MRA) today called on the Federal Government and its relevant agencies to take urgent measures to reverse the steady decline in the number of Nigerians online, saying the Government’s efforts should now be geared towards ensuring that every citizen is connected to the Internet rather than pushing those already connected off the grid. In a statement issued in Lagos, MRA’s Communications Officer, Mr. Idowu Adewale, noted that from the monthly figures published by the National Communications Commission (NCC) of active Internet subscriptions in Nigeria, the number of active Internet subscriptions in Nigeria has been steadily declining over a period of eight months, between November 2020 and June 2021, the latest month for which subscription data is available. According to him, in November 2020, there were 154,437,623 active Internet subscriptions in Nigeria across three different communication technologies, namely the Global System for Mobile (GSM) communication, fixed wired telephone, and Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP), but the number dropped slightly to 153,873,786 in December 2020 and then sharply to 150,898,122 in January 2021. Mr. Adewale observed that since then, the figure has continued to fall monthly at an alarming rate, going to 148,133,233 in February 2021, 144,581,026 in March; 141,407,324 in April; 140,132,128 in May and currently standing at 139,814,913 as at June. He stressed that “The rate at which Nigeria is bleeding Internet subscribers is extremely worrying and unacceptable, particularly at a time when the global preoccupation and efforts are directed at ensuring that all remaining unconnected people around the world get online. This situation in Nigeria obviously constitutes an impediment to that global effort.” Mr. Adewale said: “Besides the fact that access to the Internet enables people to exercise and enjoy their rights, the lack of access obviously has other far reaching negative consequences for those who are excluded, for the quality of lives that they have, their livelihoods as well as their participation in many social, economic and political activities. Even before the current COVID-19 context, many public services and benefits were becoming available virtually only to those with Internet access. In the current environment where many social and economic activities are taking place online, there can be no justification for this situation which serves to deprive significant numbers of citizens access to such services and benefits.” He called on the government and its various departments and agencies with responsibilities in the Internet and telecommunications sectors to make a serious effort to identify the causes of the steady decline in Internet subscriptions, adopt and implement measures to address them and other barriers to connectivity for all Nigerians, including the high cost of data and devices such as smart phones and computer equipment.

PERSPECTIVE - Whitewashing is a waste; history has already judged Babangida

By Owei Lakemfa Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, retired general and former military Head of State will turn 80 tomorrow, Tuesday, August 17. I congratulate him primarily because I also pray to grow old. But I do not pray that in my old age my children will organise gatherings where people will try to whitewash my deeds.

One of such occasions was the August 12, 2021 pre-birthday event. The summary of the endless speeches which were relayed live on television is that Babangida is a reliable, kind-hearted statesman who never neglects or betrays his friends. But that is not what the records show. Yes, Babangida comes across as a comely, friendly, charming person, but so does the beautiful, cunning, crafty fox. Those gathering for the whitewash of Babangida know that Nigerians gave him the sobriquet Maradona. This was because like the famous Argentine footballer, Diego Maradona, who was a great dribbler and seller of dummies on the field, Babangida was dribbling Nigerians, selling them dummies, was quite crafty, deceitful and unreliable. A great difference was that while the real Maradona never shifted the goal post during play, Babangida was always shifting the goal post whenever he thought a goal was to be scored against him. For instance, he promised to hand-over power to an elected civilian administration in 1990. When the date drew near, he shifted it to 1992, then January 1993, later to August 1993, and ended up not handing over power before he was disgraced out of office. While claiming to be a champion of mass participation in decision-making, he declared a public debate on whether or not, the International Monetary Fund, IMF, loan and its conditionalities should be accepted. Nigerians in overwhelming numbers rejected both. On December 13, 1985, Babangida addressed the nation acknowledging the undeniable choice of Nigerians and even declared that “ …the path of honour and the essence of democratic patriotism lies in discontinuing the negotiations with the IMF for a support loan”. Nigerians were ecstatic, but the cunning Babangida did the exact opposite by going to bed with the IMF and imposing its criminal conditionalities christened the Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP. When Nigerians protested against this imposition, patriots like the labour legends, Michael Imoudu and Wahab Goodluck and lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi were detained, many tertiary institutions shutdown and protesters were shot in the streets. As to the claim that Babangida was loyal to friends, at least two of his close friends who believed that, were sent to early graves. One of them was Mamman Vatsa, his childhood friend, high school classmate at Government College, Bida, and a fellow general. In fact, Babangida signed Vatsa’s marriage register as his best man. Vatsa was accused of harbouring the thought of overthrowing Babangida, was tried in a military tribunal, tied to the stake on March 5, 1986 and executed. Another Babangida close friend, Chief Moshood Abiola, won the June 12, 1993 presidential election, fair and square. But Babangida annulled it and later claimed he did it to prevent a coup. Is that not treasonable felony? What a friend he had in Babangida! Abiola while fighting for his mandate was detained under the Abacha regime and eventually died. At the Babangida whitewash last week, a former Director of Military Intelligence, DMI Haliru Akilu, a retired general, mentioned Babangida’s relocation of the capital from Lagos to Abuja as a monumental achievement adding: “This was a great decision that only leaders of IBB’s capacity can make.” I am not sure about this. Abuja was being built by previous governments and partially under Babangida. Not a few attribute Babangida’s December 12, 1991 relocation to Abuja as a fall out of the Orkar coup which exposed the vulnerability of the Dodan Barracks State House. In fact, the haste and disorderly way the capital was relocated was like a man fleeing a city. For instance, many of those who had to relocate, had no offices. As for accommodation, it was in so short supply that many lived in their offices for years, while many desperate female public servants, some of them married, shared rooms with males lucky enough to secure accommodation. This is the origin of the popular ‘Abuja Marriage’ syndrome. Businessman, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, talked glowingly about Babangida as a dependable friend. Babangida, he claimed, made him leader of the Raw Materials Development Council, and stayed by his side for a whole day when he buried his father. But he only narrated one side of the story. The other is that the same Babangida sent armed security agents to traumatise journalists and staff of Iwuanyanwu’s Champion Newspapers and shutdown the publication without any warning or court order. It was simply the application of brutal force against a non-military institution. The Babangida regime had no regard for fundamental human rights. People were detained without trial. At any given time, under that dictatorship, the cells and dungeons were packed full of patriots. When the pro-democracy protests broke out with demands for the de-annulment of the June 12 election, the regime sent out well kitted soldiers led personally by then Chief of Army Staff, General Sani Abacha to repress them. On July 6, 1993, a total of 118 protesters were shot dead on the streets of Lagos. Almost all were shot in the back which meant they were running away and not confronting their murderers. These are crimes against humanity for which the regime should be held accountable. When the pro-state candidate, Takai Shamang, could not win the 1988 Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC elections, the Babangida regime banned the Congress under a nebulous ‘Economic Recovery’ decree. When senior staff of Nigeria Electricity Power Authority, NEPA, went on strike against the poor state of power infrastructure, the regime seized eleven of them and hauled them before a military tribunal demanding the death sentence. Eventually, the men were sentenced to life imprisonment for going on strike which is a right! In 1986 after the police murdered four students of the Ahmadu Bello University, ABU, for protesting, the regime shutdown virtually all tertiary institutions in the country for protesting the murders. It also proscribed the National Association of Nigerian Students, NANS. The Babangida regime was a lawless one which not only ousted the jurisdiction of the courts in many decrees, but also did not obey court orders and rulings. Those gathering around the country in a vain attempt to whitewash Babangida are just deceiving him and deceiving themselves; history has already judged him. The wise in Africa say even if a man is being deceived, he owes himself the duty not to deceive himself. If Babangida does not apologise for his atrocities against the Nigerian people, he should go to a quiet spot in his hilltop mansion to pray that God forgives him his sins.